A video of the workshop with interactions with the participants
IBEW 46 Workshop – Making the American Dream Real for Everyone – 2012 from Mark McDermott on Vimeo.
Fighting to Make the American Dream Real for Everyone / Economic Justice and Labor Educator
IBEW 46 Workshop – Making the American Dream Real for Everyone – 2012 from Mark McDermott on Vimeo.
At an inspiring rally in Renton in support of striking Walmart workers, one slogan stuck with me: “We’re fired up and we won’t take it any more!”
This needs to be one of our national slogans as we fight to reclaim the American Dream. In my earlier articles I have been stressing the critical need for the many progressive movements to come together in a more strategic long-term way. Here is a clear example.
As I write, the President and Congress are struggling over a possible “Grand Bargain” to prevent an alleged federal fiscal crisis. The debate is largely framed by how much to cut versus how much to raise taxes, with program cuts dwarfing tax increases.
What needs to be done? How about forcing every person and business to pay the federal taxes that they owe? How many times have you heard President Obama, Speaker John Boehner, Majority Leader Harry Reid or other elected leaders or pundits raise this issue? Why isn’t this the centerpiece of every proposal?
On January 6, 2012, the IRS posted “The Tax Gap for Tax Year 2006 Overview.” What’s this? Every five years the IRS conducts a study to determine the “tax gap” which is the amount of federal taxes that are owed and not paid either before (gross tax gap) or after enforcement actions (net tax gap).
THE GROSS TAX GAP FOR 2006 WAS $450 BILLION. LET ME REPEAT: $450 BILLION. AFTER COLLECTION EFFORTS, THE FINAL NET TAX GAP WHICH REMAINED UNCOLLECTED WAS $385 BILLION.
Ask yourself what $385 billion in additional revenue would pay for.
This is not new information. The tax gap study for 2001 conducted by the Bush administration showed a gross tax gap of $345 billion and a net tax gap that remained uncollected was $290 billion. Over the years 2001-2006, the annual uncollected total rose by $95 billion. The President and Congress are prepared to cut needed programs and let the cheaters go.
In 2011, my wife and I paid 20 percent of our adjusted gross income in federal income taxes. We paid a higher percentage than the Mittster. We pay our taxes as part of our patriotic duty to our country. We can argue about how much businesses and individuals should pay. But everyone should pay what they owe! Any disagreements here?
So who is cheating? 83% of the unpaid taxes were due to illegal failures to report income. Hmm? Guess what, over half of this underreporting ($189 billion) was business income. Are you surprised? The amount of unreported corporate income taxes avoided grew 92% between 2001 and 2006.
So who pays and who cheats? The vast majority of taxpayers get the vast majority of their income from wages and salaries which are mandatorily reported and taxes withheld to the IRS. The compliance rate on this income is 99%. Working people aren’t cheating and the system is set up to prevent it.
Many people have income from pensions, Social Security, unemployment insurance, dividends, and interest which is subject to mandatory third-party reporting. The compliance rate is 92%.
Income with little or no reporting requirements has a compliance rate of 44%. The system is set up to help the non-reporting cheaters.
How many of you knew these facts before you read this article? Do they bother you? Why didn’t President Obama and the elected Democrats hammer away on this growing outrage over the past 4 years? Why isn’t this a topic on every new show talking about the impending fiscal crisis? We have a news blackout on this issue even though the information is readily available on the internet.
Why do I raise this issue? Obviously it is critically important to the national debate which may result in deep hurt to the American people as important programs are threatened.
I also raise it because I believe it reflects some of the major weaknesses in the ways the progressive movements are organized and working together. This tax gap scandal is public information. Why haven’t our many progressive movements, individually and collectively, been hammering on this issue over the past years?
I’m sure that we could all agree that everyone paying their taxes should precede any discussion of cutting programs or benefits. We are allowing our political enemies to set the terms of this fiscal debate while $450 billion in owed taxes go uncollected.
If you agree this is a problem, how do we need to change up the ways we organize and work together across movements? More on this.
(IRS Tax Gap Study – http://www.irs.gov/pub/newsroom/overview_tax_gap_2006.pdf)
The outcome of the 2012 election is extremely important, but even a victory for President Obama and the congressional Democrats will not ensure that our nation moves toward a new shared prosperity and genuine economic opportunity and security for all. For more than years, corporate America’s relentless attacks and its economic and political domination have been growing and will not stop regardless of the election results.
What is the way forward? First and foremost, we progressives from many movements need to do an-depth self-criticism of how we are organized and carrying forward the fight for a better future. We need to ask ourselves tough questions about our vision, values, agenda, strategy and collective organization. I include myself in this tough self-critical examination.
I submit that the progressive movements lack the critical collective organizational capacity to the develop an overall coherent vision of a better future and to proactively map the road forward. We are a multi-limbed organism that lacks a well-developed brain and central nervous system. If hard work, dedication, and a deep commitment to justice were all that were needed, our nation would look very different. Unfortunately much more is needed.
What does this deep self-criticism look like? Major league professional sports teams study game films every week. They study the offense and defense on every play. They analyze the strategies, tactics, timely adjustments, quality of the players, and the role of random luck. Their study leads to decisions to rebuild the team, to fundamentally shift strategies or tactics, to add a few new players and/or persist with the current strategy.
For political and economic movements, history itself is the game film. Let’s look at the 30-plus years of the game films of the origins of the financial collapse and the Great Recession. Most importantly we need to look hard at what we, the progressive movements, did to combat the financial deregulation origins of this economic catastrophe.
For decades, Corporate America, its Republican and Democratic allies, and many elite economists and commentators aggressively pushed deregulation of the banks and financial industries. President Carter and the ruling congressional Democrats started the process in the late 1970’s. President Reagan and Congress continued. President Clinton and most of Congress delivered massive deregulation in the late 1990’s. Bush, Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan and their cronies mismanaged the weakened regulatory protections in the 2000’s.
It added up to a largely bipartisan selling out of the American people. Final score: Big banks bailed out — for the people, massive pain.
Studying the game films of our opponents is easy. Deregulation took place in broad daylight. We know what they did if we care to look. Here comes the uncomfortable part for the movements and for me personally. What was our collective offense and defense over the past 30+ years?
Our offense and defense were largely non-existent. If you doubt this, try to recall how many demonstrations and protests of any size took place across the country in opposition to deregulation and the need for greater regulation. I can’t remember any. Why? Deregulation took place publicly. Brilliant progressive economists and some progressive Democrats warned us of the great dangers. Let me be blunt. We were not paying attention. We can’t blame our opponents for this. Why were we so unprepared?
The progressive movements are splintered up into literally thousands of organizations focused on single issues. We have labor, health care reform, immigration reform, hunger, poverty, human services, senior issues, reproductive and gay/lesbian rights etc. etc. etc. What mass movement is in charge of ensuring that we don’t have unnecessary economic collapses? None. More importantly, we lack a central organizational structure to discuss these matters across movements to ensure an effective vision and strategy to prevent crises and lead us forward to a better future. The institutional Democratic Party failed miserably in this historic task.
All progressive movements and their constituencies have been hit hard by the five-plus years of economic hard times. For decades, we have lacked the collective capacity to ensure that economic policy and financial regulation serve the people and not the wealthy elites. When the collapse came, we were both powerless and largely clueless regarding what to do.
All of us want a brighter, more secure and sustainable future. We must recognize our collective strategic organizational failure as the first step in laying out our positive vision for the future and how we will get there. More on this in later articles.
Today we are constantly reminded that the 2012 national elections are the most important elections in our lifetimes. They may be a decisive turning point in our nation’s history. A Romney and decisive Republican victory will move us down a path of increased economic inequality and diminished dreams for tens of millions of Americans. An Obama and sweeping Democratic victory may provide us another opportunity to move our nation more decisively toward a new brighter future with greater opportunity and economic security for all. A split election bodes ill for positive change.
Let me be very clear. I strongly support the re-election of President Obama, the efforts to secure Democratic majorities in the Congress as well as the election of Jay Inslee as Governor and keeping our state Legislature in Democratic hands. I urge everyone to work hard and donate as much money as you can spare. Defeat is not an option. However, decisive Democratic victories alone will not guarantee that we, the people, get the sweeping reforms needed to move us toward a brighter and more sustainable and secure future. So what else is needed?
From time to time, historic moments for sweeping reforms emerge. Four times in the past 50 years, we, the people, have risen up and won sweeping election victories by electing a Democratic President and large congressional majorities: 1964 – President Johnson; 1976 – Carter; 1992 – Clinton; and 2008 – Obama.
Each time, we wanted sweeping reforms that would ensure steady progress toward expanding the American Dream of greater opportunity, fairness and security for everyone. We also wanted an expansion of political democracy and rights that would help ensure greater opportunity for the people’s voices to be heard in the great public debates on the road forward. Unfortunately, we won a broad reform agenda only once: 1965-68 with the passage of the Great Society under Johnson and some major victories in the first few years of Nixon.
The last three great reform moments under Carter, Clinton and Obama did not produce the broad sweeping reforms we wanted and needed. Why didn’t they? Equally important is what were the progressive movements doing that hindered our ability to win sweeping reform agendas after we helped win big electoral victories?
These are uncomfortable questions as I must engage in difficult self-criticism and deep and constructive criticisms of the movements that I have been a part of for decades. If we are unwilling to do deep collective self-criticism of our collective work over the past decades we will not learn from our mistakes of the past and will continue to repeat them. This is critical and very uncomfortable work. We cannot assert that we don’t have time because the current struggles are too important.
I am tired of what I call the “Pity Party” discussions among progressives and people concerned about our country. I confess that I have participated in hundreds, if not thousands, of these discussions over the years that sound like this: “We elected (insert name of choice) and the Democrats. They promised (insert issue of choice). They didn’t deliver. They blamed the Republicans. Pity us. It is so unfair.” I want to limit these conversations to a five minute maximum and then shift to what each of us and we collectively are willing to do in the short- and long-term to regain the offensive toward a better future.
The elections will create new opportunities and challenges. Some things will remain the same: Corporate America is determined to dominate the country. The Republican Party serves their corporate masters. The Democratic Party has many progressives fighting for change and a corporate wing that sabotages many key reforms (see three previous reform moments). We have many movements fighting to a better future. The country is deeply divided while the vast majority of Americans are struggling with ongoing economic challenges. These are the facts on the ground.
We progressives have major choices here. Are we willing to do the deep critique of our own work over the past man years? Are we willing to clarify our vision anchored in deeply held values, create a comprehensive agreed upon agenda, and organize ourselves more effectively across our many movements so we can be more effective in the long-term struggles ahead? We must say yes. The next articles will explore these questions.
(Mark McDermott is a member of the PSARA Executive Board and the organizer of economic and social justice workshops now being sponsored by PSARA.)
The 50 years from the 1880s to the early 1930s saw extraordinary changes in American life. Rapid urbanization, massive immigration and the decades-long “Great Migration” of millions of African-Americans from the South to northern cities created teeming cities. Rapid industrialization coupled with the world’s largest railroad network made us the leading industrial power in the world. Technological innovations such as the telephone, motion pictures, electrification of factories, cities and homes, automobiles, and the radio revolutionized how many people lived and their views of the future.
Amidst the great changes, the country seethed with discontent as powerful corporations and spectacularly wealthy people amassed unimagined wealth. At the same time, millions of workers and farmers performed grueling work and lived in chronic fear of hard times. Peoples’ standards of living were rising and yet massive poverty remained. Multiple financial panics, depressions and recessions periodically threw millions into abject poverty, insecurity and misery amidst the greatest wealth the world had ever seen.
Throughout these decades, the people struggled mightily to limit the power of corporations, the wealthy and their political allies in the Republican and Democratic Parties. They wanted a more just system that shared the wealth fairly, provided greater security in hard economic times, expanded our democratic rights at work and in the larger community, created greater opportunity for education, and reduced work hours to allow more time for family and community life.
In very human terms, people wanted an adequate income when they were unemployed, unable to work or too old to work. We wanted their families were adequately fed, clothed and housed. They wanted an end of abusive child labor and free compulsory quality education for their children. They wanted a more secure, just and hopeful future free from fear of want and deprivation in the land of plenty. They wanted the right to organize unions, rights and dignity on the job, and safe and healthy workplaces. They wanted a greater voice in political and economic life.
The demands for economic justice were largely thwarted for decades as Corporate America dominated economic and political life throughout most of the period. Frustrated by the two major political parties’ unwillingness to address their great grievances, many people turned to new third parties – Greenbacks, Populists, Socialists, Progressives, and Communists and other organizations advocated broad changes. They were looking for broad alternatives needed to change a system that simultaneously produced enormous wealth and perpetuated needless misery, exploitation and hardshipploitation and hardship.
At the same time, millions of workers struggled to organized unions and create a more democratic workplace in which they earned a fair wage in safe conditions. Lacking legal rights to form unions and massive repression from governments supporting corporations, organized labor remained weak despite widespread demands for worker justice.
The growing people’s demands for expanded economic and political justice and rights were severely undercut by deep divisions among the people. First and foremost, widespread racism and anti-immigrant hostility harmed millions and served the “divide and conquer” strategy of corporate America. Culture wars against women’s rights including the right to vote, prohibition, evolution and religious bigotry against Catholics and Jews deepened the splits among working people. Last but not least, government repression of radical organizations, and unions deepened these divisions. All of these divisions served the interests of corporate America and not the people.
Despite corporate domination and deep divisions among the people, significant people’s victories were achieved. Federal constitutional amendments for direct election of senators, a progressive personal income tax, and women’s right to vote were won. Banning corporate campaign contributions was a first step in weakening the corporate stranglehold on national elections. Many state worker compensation and child labor laws were won and free compulsory education spread across many states although racism denied millions of black children equal quality education.
At the end of the 1920s, corporate America and their political allies seemed firmly in control. Their world view that largely unregulated free enterprise without interference from government, unions or other political movements was best for the people was deeply entrenched in American life. The people were told that an economic and social safety net was not needed. The future was bright. To quote President Herbert Hoover in early 1929: “We in America today are nearer to the final triumph over poverty than ever before in the history of any land.”
Six months later, the stock market collapsed and the Great Depression began. The people would suffer immensely and would reap the whirlwind of their inability to overcome their deep differences and win their demands for economic and political justice. It was a truly dark period yet the seeds of fifty years of fighting for justice were growing in harsh soil and conditions.
At the outset of the 1930s, working people were enduring records levels of unemployment, widespread homelessness, hunger and loss of farms and homes. Millions lost their life savings in the collapse of the banking system. In the midst of an unparalleled economic crisis, working people had neither an economic or social safety net, nor the right to organize unions.
Yet by the late 1930s, our grandparents’ generation had won Social Security, unemployment insurance, public assistance for poor families, the minimum wage, overtime pay, the right to organize unions in the private sector, child labor and welfare protections, housing assistance programs, bank deposit security, strong controls over the financial industries, and assistance for struggling farmers. Although people of color and women were denied many of these rights and benefits, for millions it was a dream beginning to come true.
After 50 years of bitter defeats, how did we the people achieve these historic victories in the face of the worst depression in our national history? They were the fruit of mass organizing in workplaces and communities across the country, and growing unity among working people and the unemployed. Millions began to understand that, to win a better life for working people, employed and unemployed alike, racism, religious bigotry, sexism and anti-immigrant hostility had to be overcome. The newly-won right to form unions and the militant tactic of the sitdown strike — workers occupying their workplace — in effect the “Occupy Movement” of the 1930s – were instrumental in the building of a powerful labor movement.
These worker occupations of factories and other workplaces coupled with massive community support across much of the country doubled the size of the labor movement in less than five years. Newly won power in the workplace and widespread political organizing laid the foundation for our greatest period of shared prosperity over the next 40 years.
The end of World War II ushered in more than 30 years of strong economic growth that was shared more fairly than at any time in American history. By the end of she 1970s, poor, working class and middle class families saw their incomes double after inflation. Income growth for the wealthy grew more slowly thereby narrowing income inequality. People of color and women saw their incomes continue to lag behind whites and men but the gaps were narrowing.
After World War II Corporate America counterattacked,. The Taft-Hartley Act slowed and reversed the growth of the labor movement. At the same time, the corporations and their political allies launched the Red Scare (McCarthyism) to weaken the unions, intimidate people into political passivity and stop any new initiatives to expand the reforms of the 1930s. They were largely successful. One of the first major casualties was the defeat of President Truman’s National Health Care program. The 1960s saw another wave of widespread organizing for greater economic and social justice,: Civil rights, women’s rights, ending the Viet Nam war, environmental protections, and expanded rights for people with disabilities and for gays and lesbians. A major difference between the 1930s and the 1960s was that the labor movement was no longer leading these struggles and was deeply divided.
Yet there were new people’s victories — the passage of landmark legislation for civil rights, voting rights, equal pay, clean water, clean air, environmental protection, pension protections, affordable housing and anti-poverty programs. In less than 15 years, poverty was cut in half. On the other hand, badly needed labor law reform was defeated despite a Democratic president and strong majorities in Congress.
Substantial progress was coming to end. The social upheavals of the 1960s were marked by increased racial tensions, the Viet Nam war, clashes on the issue of abortion, and the new strengths of the women’s and gay and lesbian movements. These developments, coupled with three recessions during the 1970s, sowed deep divisions among working people and their historic allies. An increasingly aggressive corporate America supporting a resurgent right wing was poised to launch a decades-long counterattack to fundamentally shift the direction of the country. By the end of the 1970s, the counterattack was taking its toll, as both labor law reform and the Equal Rights Amendment for women were defeated.
What was the corporate strategy and how was it implemented? This is the subject of Part 3 of this series.
By the early 1970’s, Corporate America was on the defensive as strong movements for racial justice, a cleaner environment, safer consumer products, women’s rights, and worker protections successfully pressured Congress to pass major legislation. Corporate power was being limited in areas of racial, gender and age employment discrimination, polluting the environment, selling unsafe and unhealthy consumer products, and keeping workplaces needlessly unsafe and unhealthy. This was the second major wave of reform in less than 40 years that further limited the power of corporations and expanded greater economic and social justice.
These great people’s victories provoked deep discussions among Corporate America about how to reverse this loss of power and regain dominance. On August 23, 1971, Lewis Powell, an influential corporate lawyer, wrote a confidential memo to the U.S. Chamber of Commerce entitled “Attack of the American Free Enterprise System.” This influential document described an alleged systematic assault on the survival of free enterprise. Most importantly it laid out the need and strategy for Corporate America to launch a broad based long-term counterattack against their enemies.
Powell called for broad-based, long-term educational campaigns and aggressive political action to regain corporate dominance. Re-establishing the primacy of business perspectives on economic life and the central role of business in our nation was needed. He singled out the key targets as business critics from the universities, the pulpit, and the media, thought leaders in the arts and sciences and unreliable politicians. To quote Powell, “The first essential is to establish the staff of eminent scholars, writers and speakers, who will do the thinking, the analysis, the writing and the speaking. It will be essential to have staff personnel who are thoroughly familiar with the media, and how most effectively to communicate with the public.”
His strategy was clear and direct: Develop the idea machine to shift public consciousness, effectively work the media, and relentlessly attack the enemies of Corporate America. Again to quote Powell, “It is essential that spokesmen — at all levels and at every opportunity — be far more aggressive than in the past. There should not be the slightest hesitation to press vigorously in all political arenas…Nor should there be reluctance to penalize those who oppose it…The type of program described above . . . if undertaken long term and adequately staffed, would require far more generous financial support from American corporations than the Chamber has every received in the past.”
Two months after Powell wrote this secret memo, President Richard Nixon nominated him to serve on the U.S. Supreme Court. Congress confirmed him. Powell was not the only corporate advocate calling for a broad-based war of ideas and disciplined political action to regain corporate dominance. This was not conspiracy theory run amok but very thoughtful strategic thinking and planning. Did anyone listen to Powell and his ideas?
The 1970s and 1980s saw an explosion of corporate-oriented think tanks: The Heritage Foundation was founded in 1973; The Cato Institute (1974); The Manhattan Institute (1978); Citizens for Sound Economy (1984) founded by the Koch Brothers; State Policy Network (1986) which has 59 affiliated state think tanks. The long established American Enterprise Institute grew from 10 to 100 staff between 1970 and 1980. There are others.
With the idea machine well-funded, Corporate America and their intellectual and political allies unleashed a decades-long war of ideas. They triumphed with the election of Ronald Reagan, the Great Communicator, who promised a new day in America.
The message was simple and clear. Government is the enemy strangling the free enterprise system. Get government off the back of business and the people through deregulation. Cut taxes on corporations and the wealthy to spur job creation and prosperity. This came to be known as known as trickle-down economics. Cut government social programs because they weaken the people they claim to help. Privatize government whenever possible because the private sector is always more efficient than the government. Last but not least, promote free trade and export manufacturing jobs. We don’t need to make things any more. This bold approach would bring rising prosperity to our nation and the people. Trust Corporate America. They will deliver.
The late 1970s and early 1980s were a fundamental turning point in how our nation would approach issues of economic justice and fairness. Our nation embarked on a great experiment. How did it work? Part 4 next month will tell that story.
(Mark MCDermott is a member of the PSARA Execuive Board and the developer of an economic justice education program.)
The election of Ronald Reagan in 1980 set the stage for Corporate America’s all-out offensive to reassert their domination of our country and economy. Armed with a comprehensive political and economic strategy, a well-oiled propaganda machine, vast financial resources, a clearly articulated vision and values for America, and a resurgent right wing, the offensive began in earnest.
Relentless attacks against working people and unions, major cutbacks in critical social programs, extensive deregulation of financial industries and other key industries, large tax cuts for corporations and the wealthy, and aggressive promotion of free trade and the export of manufacturing jobs were the centerpiece of the big promises to restore widespread prosperity. At the same time, major increases in military spending were coupled with a more aggressive foreign policy. To quote a famous 1984 Reagan re-election ad: “It is morning in America again.” Unfortunately, for millions of hard-working and poor Americans, it was “Mourning in America again.”
What happened under the new corporate dominated regime? Good-bye shared prosperity. Hello stolen prosperity. No longer would Americans, poor, working class, or middle class share fairly in the growing wealth of our nation. My proof? Sometimes pictures are worth a 1000 words. Look the first graph.
During the shared prosperity of the late 1940s to the late 1970s, all income groups of families saw their average incomes double after inflation with the exception of the richest 5%. It was period in which a rising economic tide was lifting all boats. Poverty rates plummeted, income gaps between whites and people of color were narrowing and women began to gain on men.
Many challenges remained to create shared prosperity, and genuine economic opportunity and security for all Americans. However our long-term direction of the nation was producing greater opportunity and security for most Americans. Now look at the second graph.
Since the late 1970s, shared prosperity disappeared. The poorest 20% of families saw their average incomes drop by 11%, the lower middle class’s average income only rose 2% and the middle class’s rose only 10%. During the previous 3 decades the income gains income of these three groups were 116%, 100% and 111%.
The past three decades have been wonderful for the super-wealthy and corporate America. Between 1979 and 2006, the average income for the richest 11 thousand American families rose 386 percent. In 2006, their average income was $35.5 million. Tax rates for the super-wealthy were also cut. By 2010, corporate after-tax profits as a share of the total national income reached a record high while federal corporate tax rates reached the lowest point in more than 60 years. Times have never been better for Corporate America.
Today, we are still recovering from the worst recession since the 1930s. High levels of unemployment, mortgage foreclosures, poverty, and hunger and widespread economic insecurity remain serious problems. To understand the way forward to a renewed broadly shared prosperity and secure future, we must acknowledge that both Republicans and many corporate Democrats strongly supported financial deregulation which allowed Wall Street and Corporate America to collapse the economy and steal our shared prosperity.
Today, we face a crossroads in our nation’s history. The election of Mitt Romney will unleash a new wave of corporate domination and continuation of policies that advance the wealthy and powerful at the expense of the people. The re-election of Barack Obama is critical but it is far from enough. Next month we can begin to explore the long-term strategy to bring renewed economic security and opportunity for all Americans.